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Neocomunistii din intreaga lume sunt foarte suparati pe tradarea Syriza. Cauza tradarii? "Syriza este produsul unei influente si puternic privilegiate, clase de mijloc educate, care a fost “scolita in postmodernism"
Nota Redactiei: Cauza tradarii? "Syriza este produsul unei influente si puternic privilegiate, clase de mijloc educate, care a fost “scolita in postmodernism" - a se citi "care a fost scolita in universitatile de stat postmoderniste". Mai pe sleau spus: Varoufakis si Tsipras n-au rabdat niciodata in viata lor de foame. De unde si capitularea, care lor li se pare a fi doar un joc postmodernist de lumini si umbre al unei moralitati care nu exista si al unei crize intotdeauna relative, pe care ei o vad si o percep doar in flash-urile de cinematograf de pe Crucisatorul Potiomkin. Plus ca au primit intotdeauna indicatii, de la 'marii economisti ai noii gandiri economice' de peste Ocean - despre 'ce si cum sa faca' 'ca neaparat sa ramana in zona euro', 'zona' unde 'ar fi trebuit' "sa ia puterea". Numai ca, Germania nu e Rusia si nu oricine e Lenin. Cu alte cuvinte, cauza tradarii si a esecului Greciei sunt chiar ei. Din pacate avem si noi in universitatile din Romania 'postmodernistii' nostri - neomarxisti 'pe stil american', care nici ei n-au rabdat vreodata de foame dar care mananca o paine buna 'neomarxista', povestindu-ne in nuante postmoderniste si dadaiste cum sufera cei multi
KKE - Vechii comunisti greci - SYRIZA: "forta de rezerva de stanga" a capitalismului - “the left reserve force” of capitalism
Member of the CC of the KKE
Responsible for the International Relations Section of the CC of the KKE.
After the outbreak of the capitalist crisis in Greece the bourgeois class sought intensively to ideologically disarm the people by means of obscuring the causes of the crisis and the problems that the working people are experiencing in order to lead them to political choices that do not call the exploitative system into question.
Thus the bourgeois political parties, both old as well as newly emerging, began to focus on isolated phenomena e.g. the economic scandals, presenting them as the cause of the crisis. “There was money.
Some people (the politicians) squandered it and now the people are paying” is one of the common views. The so called “movement of the indignant citizens”, which fostered the aversion to the organized class-oriented labour movement and its goals, was utilized in these plans.
This movement focused on the slogans “thieves! thieves!” and “traitors”, which were directed at the politicians. In this way it prepared the ideological ground for the “seeds” of the racist and criminal views of the fascist “Golden Dawn”.
In these conditions the KKE declared decisively that we are dealing with a crisis of the system itself which requires rupture, disengagement from the imperialist unions of the EE and NATO with socialization of the means of production and the construction of another economy and society that will focus on the satisfaction of the people’s needs and not on profit. On the contrary, the Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) indulged in all kind of ideological-political tastes in order to manage to become the main opposition party.
It is worth mentioning several elements regarding the stance of this party, especially in the current period when it is being promoted by the “European Left Party” as “a force for the overthrow” and the forces of the ELP are represented by its president Alexis Tsipras as a candidate for the office of the president of the EU Commission.
When the “radical left” meets the far right
On 7th February 2014 the Political Secretariat of SYRIZA decided to withdraw the candidacy of the journalist T. Karipidis for Regional Prefect in Western Macedonia in the upcoming local elections that will take place in the period of the EU parliamentary elections (May 2014).
Greece is divided into 13 regions.
So SYRIZA was led to withdraw its candidate in a large geographical area, that of Western Macedonia (not immediately but after 5 days of inner-party soul-searching).
Why? The reason was the views of this journalist that were made public, as he is a supporter of a conspiracy theory regarding the torments that the working people in our country are suffering.
According to his theory the Prime Minister A. Samaras is destroying Greece according to a plan of the Jews! This extreme conspiracy theory which dovetails with the corresponding views of fascist circles has been accommodated by the radical left of SYRIZA. So much for… “radicalism”…
The undeniable truth is that this is the “tip of the iceberg” as over the last three years SYRIZA has absorbed entire sections of the social-democratic party PASOK which is in the process of disintegration.
Even if we do not focus on this episode, we will see that over recent years SYRIZA has been making a systematic effort to rescue capitalism in the eyes of the working people. How is it doing this? Let us briefly examine this.
Anticipating the change of the predatory alliance
Let us bear in mind that in the 1960’s the KKE characterized the EU as “lions’ den”. In 1980 it said NO to the accession of Greece to the EEC and in 1991 it said NO to the Treaty of Maastricht that transformed the EEC into EU.
In contrast, all the other parties, including the parties from which SYRIZA emerged, supported these choices of the bourgeois class for the assimilation of Greece to the EEC and the EU.
Today SYRIZA is claiming that the EU is “violating its founding principles and goals”. The truth is that from 1957 until today, and for as long as the EU exists, whether it is split into a union of the south or of the north, whether it becomes a federation, or a confederation, it will be an imperialist union, aimed against the peoples and youth.
It is obvious that the EU does not change, either with the change of the president of the EU Commission, which is an apparatus for the elaboration and the implementation of the most severe anti-people measures, or with political reforms, because the exploitation of man by man, that is to say class exploitation, the main contradiction of capitalist society, is inherent in it.
The main question is what interests did the foundation of this inter-state union serve. It was founded in order to help the capitalists to more effectively exploit the working people in its member-states; in order to enable them to buttress their power supported by the bourgeois classes of the other countries of the union. It was created in order to assist the European monopolies in their fierce conflict with the monopolies of the other countries and regional unions.
The EU, with most of its member-states being members of NATO as well, is organizing the war with financial, political and military means. It conducted a war on European territory, it participates in the plans to intervene in Asia, Africa, today in the Central African Republic, it accompanies the USA in its anti-communism and in dealing with the movement using terror legislation.
SYRIZA, due to its position as the official opposition, bears a great share of responsibility for the conscious deception of the working people because it claims that the EU can allegedly be democratized and humanized.
Recently, in relation to the bloody events in Ukraine, SYRIZA once again discovered the “lack of an independent foreign policy” in the blatant intervention of the EU in the internal affairs of Ukraine, which was carried out together with the USA and in confrontation with Russia over the control of the markets, the raw materials and the country’s transport networks.
SYRIZA argued that the EU could have a “stronger role” in favour of the people of Ukraine if it did not align itself with the USA.
Then, according to this viewpoint, the EU would become a “force for stability and peace”. However, there is no greater fraud than for someone to claim that the imperialist EU can become a “factor for peace”, fostering illusions about a pro-peace imperialism!
The imperialist “predators”, the EU amongst them, during the “dividing up of the loot” can come into conflict, but they always remain “predators” and hostile to the interests of the peoples.
The odious and unsustainable debt
The KKE has demonstrated with evidence that the workers are not responsible for the public debt and must not pay for it. The propaganda of the capitalist power is trying to conceal the real reasons for the inflation of the public debt.
In reality, the state borrowed in the previous years in order to serve the needs of the profitability of capital and now it is calling on the workers to pay.
The debt also increased due to the enormous spending on arms programmes for the needs of NATO and the participation in imperialist missions, as well as due to the consequences of the assimilation of the Greek economy in the EU and EMU.
The course of the shrinking of important branches of manufacturing, which were on the receiving end of strong pressure from competitors and shrank, is characteristic (e.g. textiles, clothing, metal, ship-building and ship-repair, production of transport means.) The expansion of the trade deficit and the rapid increase of imports from the EU had a similar impact on the inflation of the public debt.
SYRIZA, for a long time period, especially before the previous elections, argued that a “left government” of SYRIZA will separate the debt into a correct part (which must be paid) and an “odious”, “unjust” part that will not be paid.
Indeed they let it be understood that possibly the largest part of the public debt is “odious” and sharply criticized the KKE for not adopting this “realistic” rationale.
Nevertheless, the more the possibility of SYRIZA taking on the “reins” of bourgeois management increases, the more its position gradually alters. SYRIZA’s economist, G. Stathakis, stated in February 2014 that based on his calculations the “odious” debt is only 5%.
Consequently, he recognized that the people should pay the remaining 95% of the debt. The head of SYRIZA claimed in the very same month during a visit to Italy that the crisis in Greece is the result of “a mistaken development model of over-consumption with loans”! I.e he is regurgitating the basic bourgeois ideological constructs inside and outside of Greece regarding the cause of the debt and is calling on the people to pay for the debt, as longs as it can become “sustainable”.
He is calling for another “haircut” to take place, in opposition to the government of ND-PASOK, which is demanding an extension of the payment period. And these two management solutions are not merely not “radical” and “people-friendly”, but provide for new anti-people measures against the workers.
The only people-friendly solution is the one promoted by the KKE: unilateral cancellation of the debt for which the people are not responsible. Socialization of the means of production, disengagement from the EU, working class-people’s power.
“Radicalism” inside the “walls” of the system
SYRIZA is an opportunist party which very rapidly is developing into a modern social-democratic party and is fostering illusions amongst the people that there can be a better form of management for the people, despite the dominance of the monopolies. It plays with the pain of the people, with the pressure for immediate solutions without radical changes.
The speech of A. Tsipras at an event in honour of the Austrian social-democrat Bruno Kreisky is revealing. A. Tsipras clarified that the “A left government in Greece will extend a hand to Europe’s social democrats, to Europe’s free thinking liberals”, with as its plan “the project of stabilising the Eurozone – a first step towards an open, democratic and cohesive Europe.”
Such a government will seek a “European Marshall Plan”, which will include: “proper banking union, a public debt centrally managed by the ECB and a massive programme of public investment.” These goals, as A. Tsipras categorically assured the audience, can be satisfied without “without any treaty changes” in the EU.
But the assurances of SYRIZA that the “state has continuity”, clearly stating that it will continue the work of the previous governments on the terrain of the anti-worker political line, of the ruins of the working class people’s rights, also highlight how it understands the so-called “governmental left”.
The candidacy of Tsipras for President of the Commission reveals SYRIZA’s devotion to the EU, this union of the monopolies. The promotion of the Obama government by SYRIZA as a model is a confirmation that its governance will manage capitalism. These are assurances that the Hellenic Federation of Enterprises has assessed very specifically, praising the “useful radicalism of SYRIZA”.
About “Democracy” and “National Sovereignty”
SYRIZA is trying with its propaganda to conceal the fact that the participation of a capitalist state in an inter-state capitalist union, such as the EU, objectively means the cessation of sovereign rights. Of course, this is not due to the “German occupation”, as various nationalist groups of the bourgeois “anti-memorandum current” misleadingly claim, a sloganeering that the forces of SYRIZA have from time to time adopted.
But it is a conscious strategic choice of capital in every state, and in Greece as well, with the aim of strengthening its economic and political position.
Inter-state unions which are formed in the framework of an increasingly intensified capitalist internationalization, which means the increasingly more extensive interconnection of sections of capital of different states, the development of relations between them, the inter-dependence of the capitalist economies, and as a consequence the capitalist states.
These are relations of unequal interdependence that of course are unequal because they are formed on the terrain of uneven development, relations that are formed with the economic and political strength as the criteria.
This is the characteristic feature both of inter-state capitalist unions, as well as of the nexus of inter-state relations which are formed in the framework of the global imperialist system. The KKE argues that these relations can break, can be overturned only through the disengagement of the country from the capitalist inter-state unions and from the capitalist development path, and not by patching them up, as SYRIZA aims to do.
It is apparent from the positions of SYRIZA that this party only disagrees with the “German leadership of the EU and Eurozone”, and not with the controls on the budgets, as long as they are carried out by “legitimate bodies”. If, for example, they are carried out by the EU Parliament, there is no problem, because it says that this is the only democratically elected body of the EU.
Nevertheless, the terms “democracy” and “sovereignty” have a specific social “identity”, according to which class is in power. Bourgeois democracy is nothing other than the class dominance, dictatorship of the bourgeoisie with a parliamentary mantle and the justice that accompanies it is the justice of the bourgeoisie.
SYRIZA is the vehicle of a petty bourgeois, non-class view about freedom and democracy. It makes criticisms regarding these issues from the standpoint of petty bourgeois “pluralism”.
It ignores and conceals the class- and in reality restricted- character of democratic gains under capitalism. It conceals the fact that the source of authoritarianism is the political line that serves capital, which at the same time is closely connected to the implementation of the EU’s decisions.
With its more general position about the EU and the Common Policies, it takes a position in favour of the creation of inter-state mechanisms of repression of the EU, which are objectively aimed at confronting the anti-imperialist movements. In its criticism it conceals the role of these mechanisms so that the EU is not incriminated (Europol, Eurostat, Frontex, Schengen etc.)
Character of the “referendum”. For what reason and in whose interests?
SYRIZA, because it sees that the EU itself has lost ground, has created revulsion and discontent in wider sections of the workers, is seeking to pose other false dilemmas in light of the EU Parliamentary elections and the local elections, it is trying to provide them with the character of a “referendum on the policies and parties that led the country to its current position”, “legitimization or not of the political line that the government is implementing.”
SYRIZA says that it will support the “healthy” sections of capital, and thus the referendum which it demands is about what sections of capital will be reinforced in the recovery phase. About which sectors will receive financial backing. Really, from whom will they receive this money?
It is demanding a “referendum” about how the workers, popular families will be even further squeezed: Through an extension of the payment period (which the government is asking of the foreign creditors) or as SYRIZA asks through a new haircut of the debt.
SYRIZA is declaring its devotion to the EU, which with its “economic governance” established the “permanent memorandum” for the peoples.
So the referendum that it asks for is aimed at winning the people’s support so that it can guarantee the EU one-way street and the implementation of the EU’s permanent memorandum. So that it can better manage the poverty and destitution.
It is trying to trick the workers that its proposal will bring prosperity to the people.
SYRIZA is demanding a referendum in favour of a “left government”. However the developments in France, Italy, Cyprus and elsewhere demonstrate that “left” and “centre-left” governments constitute the left “reserve force” of the capitalist development path.
The KKE notes that the workers must go to the ballot box in May with other criteria.
They must go with the criteria of punishing all those who with lies, intimidation and illusions over the previous years, and even now, try to persuade them that there can be a pro-people development for the Greek and other peoples of Europe inside the capitalist development path and the EU.
They must have as their criterion the formation of a strong working class-people’s opposition, the need to regroup the labour-people’s movement, the People’s Alliance for the struggle against the anti-people political line, the EU and the parties of the EU one-way street.
With the criterion of strengthening the struggle for a Greece with people’s prosperity, with the utilization of all the country’s productive potential, with solidarity and cooperation with all the peoples, in opposition to the chains of the European Union, capitalist exploitation and injustice.
With the criterion of paving the way for the socialization of the monopolies, the unilateral cancellation of the debt, the disengagement from the EU. So that the people can acquire their own power and become protagonists in the developments, so that they can influence them in a direction favourable to them.
The workers must utilize the May elections with these criteria, rejecting false dilemmas and false referenda, contributing to a change in the correlation of forces in favour of the people, through the strengthening of the KKE.sursa: http://inter.kke.gr/en/articles/SYRIZA-the-left-reserve-force-of-capitalism/
John Pilger - Problema Greciei nu este numai o tragedie. Problema Greciei este o minciuna.
The problem of Greece is not only a tragedy. It is a lie.
John Pilger/Photo: Web
A radical government would have stopped every euro leaving the country, repudiated the “illegal and odious” debt and expedited a plan to leave the crippling Eurozone.
An historic betrayal has consumed Greece. Having set aside the mandate of the Greek electorate, the Syriza government has willfully ignored last week’s landslide “No” vote and secretly agreed a raft of repressive, impoverishing measures in return for a “bailout” that means sinister foreign control and a warning to the world.
Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras has pushed through parliament a proposal to cut at least 13 billion euros from the public purse – 4 billion euros more than the “austerity” figure rejected overwhelmingly by the majority of the Greek population in a referendum on 5 July.
These reportedly include a 50 per cent increase in the cost of healthcare for pensioners, almost 40 per cent of whom live in poverty; deep cuts in public sector wages; the complete privatization of public facilities such as airports and ports; a rise in value added tax to 23 per cent, now applied to the Greek islands where people struggle to eke out a living. There is more to come.
“Anti-austerity party sweeps to stunning victory”, declared a Guardian headline on January 25. “Radical leftists” the paper called Tsipras and his impressively-educated comrades. They wore open neck shirts, and the finance minister rode a motorbike and was described as a “rock star of economics”. It was a façade. They were not radical in any sense of that cliched label, neither were they “anti austerity”.
For six months Tsipras and the recently discarded finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis, shuttled between Athens and Brussels, Berlin and the other centres of European money power. Instead of social justice for Greece, they achieved a new indebtedness, a deeper impoverishment that would merely replace a systemic rottenness based on the theft of tax revenue by the Greek super-wealthy – in accordance with European “neo-liberal” values — and cheap, highly profitable loans from those now seeking Greece’s scalp.
Greece’s debt, reports an audit by the Greek parliament, “is illegal, illegitimate and odious”. Proportionally, it is less than 30 per cent that of the debit of Germany, its major creditor. It is less than the debt of European banks whose “bailout” in 2007-8 was barely controversial and unpunished.
For a small country such as Greece, the euro is a colonial currency: a tether to a capitalist ideology so extreme that even the Pope pronounces it “intolerable” and “the dung of the devil”. The euro is to Greece what the US dollar is to remote territories in the Pacific, whose poverty and servility is guaranteed by their dependency.
In their travels to the court of the mighty in Brussels and Berlin, Tsipras and Varoufakis presented themselves neither as radicals nor “leftists” nor even honest social democrats, but as two slightly upstart supplicants in their pleas and demands.
Without underestimating the hostility they faced, it is fair to say they displayed no political courage. More than once, the Greek people found out about their “secret austerity plans” in leaks to the media: such as a 30 June letter published in the Financial Times, in which Tsipras promised the heads of the EU, the European Central Bank and the IMF to accept their basic, most vicious demands – which he has now accepted.
When the Greek electorate voted “no” on July 5 to this very kind of rotten deal, Tsipras said, “Come Monday and the Greek government will be at the negotiating table after the referendum with better terms for the Greek people”. Greeks had not voted for “better terms”.
They had voted for justice and for sovereignty, as they had done on January 25.
The day after the January election a truly democratic and, yes, radical government would have stopped every euro leaving the country, repudiated the “illegal and odious” debt – as Argentina did successfully — and expedited a plan to leave the crippling Eurozone. But there was no plan. There was only a willingness to be “at the table” seeking “better terms”.
The true nature of Syriza has been seldom examined and explained. To the foreign media it is no more than “leftist” or “far left” or “hardline” – the usual misleading spray. Some of Syriza’s international supporters have reached, at times, levels of cheer leading reminiscent of the rise of Barack Obama. Few have asked: Who are these “radicals”? What do they believe in?
In 2013, Yanis Varoufakis wrote: “Should we welcome this crisis of European capitalism as an opportunity to replace it with a better system? Or should we be so worried about it as to embark upon a campaign for stabilising capitalism? To me, the answer is clear. Europe’s crisis is far less likely to give birth to a better alternative to capitalism …
“I bow to the criticism that I have campaigned on an agenda founded on the assumption that the left was, and remains, squarely defeated …. Yes, I would love to put forward [a] radical agenda. But, no, I am not prepared to commit the [error of the British Labour Party following Thatcher’s victory].
“What good did we achieve in Britain in the early 1980s by promoting an agenda of socialist change that British society scorned while falling headlong into Thatcher’s neoliberal trip? Precisely none. What good will it do today to call for a dismantling of the Eurozone, of the European Union itself …?”
Varoufakis omits all mention of the Social Democratic Party that split the Labour vote and led to Blairism. In suggesting people in Britain “scorned socialist change” – when they were given no real opportunity to bring about that change – he echoes Blair.
The leaders of Syriza are revolutionaries of a kind – but their revolution is the perverse, familiar appropriation of social democratic and parliamentary movements by liberals groomed to comply with neo-liberal drivel and a social engineering whose authentic face is that of Wolfgang Schauble, Germany’s finance minister, an imperial thug.
Like the Labour Party in Britain and its equivalents among those former social democratic parties still describing themselves as “liberal” or even “left”, Syriza is the product of an affluent, highly privileged, educated middle class, “schooled in postmodernism”, as Alex Lantier wrote.
For them, class is the unmentionable, let alone an enduring struggle, regardless of the reality of the lives of most human beings. Syriza’s luminaries are well-groomed; they lead not the resistance that ordinary people crave, as the Greek electorate has so bravely demonstrated, but “better terms” of a venal status quo that corrals and punishes the poor. When merged with “identity politics” and its insidious distractions, the consequence is not resistance, but subservience. “Mainstream” political life in Britain exemplifies this.
This is not inevitable, a done deal, if we wake up from the long, postmodern coma and reject the myths and deceptions of those who claim to represent us, and fight.
By John Pilger/TeleSUR
WSWS: Consecintele tradarii Syriza: De la termenii capitularii la cei ai ocupatiei - The consequences of Syriza’s betrayal: From terms of surrender to terms of occupationMeeting late into Sunday night, euro zone heads of government issued new ultimatums to Greece that would effectively strip the country of its sovereignty and turn it into an economic colony of the German banks.
The German government has been the most aggressive in insisting that either the Greek parliament pass a series of laws by Wednesday night imposing an array of onerous measures or Greece will be expelled from the common European currency. That would likely precipitate an immediate collapse of the Greek economy.
A draft statement by euro zone officials listing their conditions for initiating talks on a new bailout includes:
higher budget surplus targets and automatic spending cuts if these targets are missed;
more sweeping cuts in pensions; higher regressive sales taxes;
more extensive privatizations of public institutions;
the gutting of protections against layoffs;
the imposition of restrictions on collective bargaining and the right to strike;
and the scrapping of laws passed since Syriza came to power that “have not been agreed with the institutions [the European Union, European Central Bank and International Monetary Fund] and run counter to the program commitments.”
Another demand discussed at the meeting was for the Greek government to place €50 billion in public assets in a fund controlled by an outside firm, to be used to pay down the country’s debt. That sum is approximately equal to the size of the loan Greece is requesting from the EU’s European Stability Mechanism.
Media reports on the closed-door meeting made clear the humiliation delivered to Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras and that what is being demanded is the reduction of the country to the status of a Third World colony. Bloomberg headlined its report “EU Demands
Complete Capitulation From Tsipras.” The Guardian, in an article headlined “Greek crisis: surrender fiscal sovereignty in return for bailout, Merkel tells Tsipras,” cited a senior EU official as calling the treatment of Tsipras an “exercise in mental waterboarding.”
A separate Guardian comment characterized the EU’s conditions for initiating negotiations on a new bailout as “stay on our terms or walk. You decide.” The author called the conditions being attached to a new Greek bailout “beyond harsh.”
Germany and the major EU powers are treating Greece as a conquered and occupied country. They are seizing the country’s wealth and imposing dictatorial control over its economic and social policies.
They are demanding iron-clad guarantees that cuts in jobs, pensions and social services that have already slashed working class living standards in half and shattered the country’s health care system be intensified, with no end in sight.
It is difficult to quantify the level of suffering these policies will impose. They will mean mass destitution, disease and death. Greece is being turned into a laboratory for imposing in peacetime the type of conditions previously associated with war.
The aim is to make Greece an object lesson and precedent for imposing similar conditions on the working class across Europe. The attack is being led by an imperialist power, Germany, that invaded Greece three quarters of a century ago and killed hundreds of thousands of its citizens.
The response of Tsipras is to compound his capitulation.
Even as he was being publicly flayed by EU leaders, he pleaded for an “honest compromise.”
He and his finance minister, Euclid Tsakalotos, reportedly agreed to push for legislation by Wednesday night, as demanded, to implement the new list of EU demands.
Syriza’s abject surrender ranks among the most miserable betrayals of the working class in history. Just eight days ago, Greek voters, in a referendum called by Tsipras, overwhelmingly rejected new austerity measures demanded by the European Union.
Tsipras and his cabinet immediately repudiated this popular mandate and four days later submitted a proposal to impose even more savage cuts (worth €13 billion) than the €9 billion in cuts rejected by the Greek masses.
Now they are preparing to go even further, imposing deeper cuts and giving German imperialism and the banks veto power over Greek government policy and effective control of the economy.
Tsipras’ actions are determined by the class interests of the Greek bourgeoisie and the privileged layers of the upper-middle class represented by Syriza. For them, the massive “no” vote in the referendum meant there was no alternative to capitulation to German and
European imperialism. Tsipras saw the referendum result—which he neither anticipated nor desired—as an expression of a growing radicalization of the working class, mobilizing behind it broader layers of the poor and oppressed.
For the social layers represented by Syriza, the prospect of a mass independent movement of the working class is a thousand times more dangerous than the threats from Germany and the other European powers.
Syriza’s betrayal has not only landed Greece in an even more nightmarish economic position, it has generated enormous confusion in the working class—a dangerous situation that will only strengthen the fascist Golden Dawn party and facilitate preparations by the military for a possible coup.
The Wall Street Journal wrote on Sunday: “A week ago, Greeks partied in the streets after voting to resoundingly reject terms of a new European bailout. On Sunday, those same streets were filled with a dazed and confused populace struggling to understand how they were now faced with swallowing a deal even tougher than the one they had just snubbed.”
The newspaper cited a 37-year-old employee at a coffee shop who said, “People are starting to lose their minds. I’m so confused myself… I voted for ‘no,’ but in fact it meant ‘yes.’ Is this some kind of joke?”
Meanwhile, Syriza is reported to be “disintegrating” and Tsipras has lost his parliamentary majority.
He is expected to expel dissident forces from his party and enter into talks for a new “national unity” government with the openly pro-austerity parties he replaced last January, or call new elections.
Syriza’s policies all along have combined illusions, petty maneuvers and bad faith.
To the extent Tsipras and his advisers had any strategy, it was to make appeals to the ruling classes of Europe for token concessions.
Each time they hit a brick wall, they retreated, and each retreat only encouraged the imperialist powers to demand more.
Tsipras’ claim that he has acted to protect the Greek people from an even worse catastrophe is a lie. He is not negotiating to save the
Greek people, but to save the Greek bourgeoisie. What is being demanded is more or less the suicide of Greek society to save the interests of the Greek elite at the expense of the Greek masses.
The interests of the Greek working class require a different strategy. To defeat the European Union and the banks, the Greek working class must be mobilized against imperialism’s fifth column within Greece—the Greek bourgeoisie.
This means a break with Syriza and all other representatives of Greek capital and the development of an independent political movement for a workers’ government based on a socialist program.
All negotiations with the EU, the International Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank must be halted. The Greek debt must be repudiated.
The assets of the banks, the major corporations and the wealthiest elements of society must be seized and placed under the democratic control of the working class.
A direct appeal should be made to the workers of Europe and the United States to come to the defense of the Greek working class and prosecute their own struggles against their own ruling classes.
Syriza’s betrayal and its horrific consequences make clear that the only realistic policy for the working class is one that is based on a revolutionary struggle against the capitalist system.
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